South Korea's UNIQLO turns into a large profit.Where did the boycott movement go?Have we forgotten the past?
2021-12-28
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Korea UNIQLO turns into a significant surplus in ２０２１
FRF El Korea, which operates Uniqlo in South Korea, has announced its results for fiscal year ２０２１ (September １, ２０２０ to August ３１, ２０２１).
Operating profit was ５２.９ billion won (approximately ５.１ billion yen), a significant turnaround from a deficit of ８８.４ billion won in the previous fiscal year. The company aimed to improve profits by reorganizing existing stores, and strengthened sales at its online store in response to increased demand for online shopping due to the spread of the new coronavirus.
One industry source said in an interview, ``The year after the boycott movement, the new coronavirus broke out.Uniqlo's shift to online was a blessing in disguise.''
MEMO Even in the midst of a country-wide boycott movement, it is amazing to see a return to surplus. The reason behind this seems to be the expansion of online shopping due to the coronavirus.
UNIQLO has become a symbol of the boycott movement
Fast Retailing's CFO Ken Okazaki said that ``boycotts will not last long,'' which infuriated the Korean media, and the fierce criticism of UNIQLO became heated.
Also, in the Korean UNIQLO commercial, a １３-year-old woman asks, "How did you used to dress when you were my age?" and a ９８-year-old woman asks, "How did you use to dress when you were my age?" The woman further sparked a boycott by saying, "Oh my god, I can't remember that far back." as insulting to comfort women.
The ９８-year-old woman was １３ years old during the Japanese colonial era, but she thought it was an insult to forget that. Looking at the results, CFO Okazaki's prediction was correct.
If he asked the boycotters about this, would he say, "I can't remember that far back"?
POINT FCO Okazaki seems to have a good understanding of the Korean national character of getting hot easily and getting cold easily. In addition, there seem to be many people who completely ignore self-contradiction.
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postwar compensation and Roh Moo - hyun Japan is waiting for the old people to die.They say it's time-buying, but it's the other way around.So far, the Korean government has compensated the people several times after the war.Moon Jae In is the one who is trying to buy time just because the current government is fleeing.At the time of 2005, Japanese Military Sexual Slavery was not included, but Japan said it would not recognize government-led coercion, and it goes without saying that the 2015 Japanese Military Sexual Slavery agreement was comprehensive.
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In February 2004, the Seoul Administrative Court ruled in favor of the plaintiff, demanding that five of the 57 documents related to the Korea-Japan Claim Agreement be released.The trial began in September 2002 when a group of bereaved families of Japanese victims of forced mobilization demanded that the government confirm the details of the Korea-Japan agreement.
As a result, Japan's compensation issue, which was temporarily settled after the signing of the Korea-Japan Claim Agreement in 1965, and compensation in the 1970s, has resurfaced.It's a kind of second round.
At that time, the government appealed on the grounds of its impact on bilateral relations.However, in August 2004, former President Roh Moo Hyun abandoned the appeal after consulting with Cheong Wa Dae, the chief civil society office, and the National Security Council (NSC) at a meeting of senior aides.
After the release of the claim agreement in January 2005, public opinion began that the amount of compensation paid by the government in 1975 was very small compared to that received by Japan.From 1975 to 1977, the Park Chung-hee administration spent 90 percent of its 300 million dollars on economic development and only 10 percent on compensation.Only 8,552 of the estimated 1.03 million victims of forced mobilization benefited.
Accordingly, the Roh Moo Hyun government has prepared follow-up measures.At that time, former President Roh Moo-hyun and Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan set four criteria: (1) support in other ways than legal compensation, (2) support through national compromise and consultation, and (4) support in parliament.To this end, the organization organized is the Public-Private Joint Committee.It consists of 21 people, including 10 private committee members, including Yang Samsung Law Firm Hwa-woo, Prime Minister Lee Hae-chan, and 11 government officials.
On 26 August 2005, the Joint Committee on Civil and Government Affairs announced the results of the following discussions.
(1) Anti-humanitarian illegal activities involving Japanese military forces such as Japanese Military Sexual Slavery, Sakhalin compatriots, and atomic bomb victims are not included in the Korea-Japan Claim Agreement.
(2) The $300 million loan received from Japan reflects the South Korean government's claim to Japan, such as personal property rights (insurance, deposits, etc.), bonds with Japan, and funds related to the resolution of forced mobilization damage.
(3) The South Korean government is morally responsible for using a considerable amount of free money received from Japan to help victims of forced mobilization (the South Korean government calculated $360 million in compensation for forced mobilization out of $1.22 billion requested from Japan in 1961).
(4) While continuing to hold the Japanese government accountable for the issue of Japanese Military Sexual Slavery, it will continue to raise the issue through international organizations.
Source article: 中央日報
A Korean Peninsula man kidnapped a woman and ran a Japanese Military comfort woman mediation business.
On June 30, 1933, a woman (41 years old at the time) with a husband and children was arrested in addition to a 35-year-old Korean Peninsula man who kidnapped a girl on the street and sold her to China.One of the kidnapped girls was sold to a 35-year-old man for 20 won and killed.
On April 5, 1933, Oh Cho-woong, a broker on the Korean Peninsula operating under the pseudonym Hannam, was arrested for counterfeiting his family register and obtaining permission to do business in South Gyeongsang Province bought a 16-year-old girl for 350 yen.
Kim Bok-soon, a female broker disguised as a lady, has been arrested.Kim Bok-soon led a group of four men and women, including Lee Jin-ok, who kidnapped 28 girls on the Korean Peninsula on December 31, 1935.Kim Bok-soon sold the girls to Joo Sung-ok in the primary and received a brokerage fee of 15 to 150 yen.
Daughter Kidnapping: Chun Doo-hwan (58 years old at the time) of Gaifuku Village in Gunsan, Busan, was arrested on November 15, 1938 for preparing a power of attorney to sell to a 19-year-old and 17-year-old woman in Manchuria.
Ha Yoon-myung's case: He is also a man of considerable wealth in Gyeongseong.He cleverly persuaded his parents, "I have children and daughters, so how about your daughter?" and paid 10 yen in advance to take over the family daughter (18 years old at the time).After that, I took my daughter to Tianjin, Republic of China, not Gyeongseong, and sold it for 1,000 yen.
On March 28, 1939, the Asahi Shimbun reported that Kim Oh-man and his family were arrested in Roh Moo Hyun Mountain, Gyeonggi Province.Since 1935, the Kim Oman family has been working as adopted daughters in rural areas across the Korean Peninsula and trafficked women in Manchuria.
Tan Jang-yeon case: Tan Jang-yeon, who was arrested after Ha Yoon-myung and his wife, sold more than 100 rural women to North China and Manchuria from 1935 to 1939.It was also revealed that lower-ranking civil servants cooperated in forging family registers.
The Japanese government's response strengthened the crackdown on sex traffickers from 1937 to 1938, and issued an order of caution against the crackdown on intermediaries.
Choi Myung-ho's case: On May 13, 1939, the Korean Peninsula edition of the Osaka Asahi Shimbun reported the girl's testimony.Choi Myeong-ho was hired as a maid, and Choi Myeong-ho became 16 entrepreneurs, including department store guides, nurses, and female clerks in Gyeongseong.The girl was found by Choi Myung-ho and his gang while trying to escape from the business contact book.After that, he was imprisoned and kicked with his foot day and night .
Busan Otome Trading Incident: Yoo In-ma, who was engaged in Otome Trading, was arrested in August 1939.The Dong-A Ilbo reported on August 31, 1939, that 45 brokers in Busan kidnapped more than 100 women.Companies cleverly said, "Manchuria is doing well."
Fraud Kidnapping: According to the Asahi Shimbun's Namseon edition on November 21, 1939, Kim Dong-yoon, a former temporary employee of Busan Prefecture, kidnapped a woman and a woman through official seal forgery.There were 28 victims, many of whom were kidnapped in the direction of Namyang.
What is the Japanese Military confort woman problem?Human trafficking was frequent on the Korean Peninsula, and people on the Korean Peninsula at that time were responsible for it.The Japanese police were cracking down on these.
Japanese Military comfort woman A major flaw in the scrapping of the agreement is President Moon Jae In's dissolution of the Reconciliation and Healing Foundation.
The comfort women agreement is an official agreement
South Korea does not understand the agreement
2015 Comfort Women Agreement
The claim date is from 1965. Comfort women agreement establishes foundation
With the dissolution of the foundation, former comfort women cannot negotiate with Japan
In 2021, Moon Jae-in recognized the comfort women agreement as an official agreement between the governments. I wonder if these words were uttered out of a feeling that further deterioration of Japan-Korea relations would be a problem because it would affect the economy, regarding the lawsuit filed by former comfort women against the Japanese government. The problem is that the South Korean side doesn't fully understand the contents of the 2015 agreement.
Reading the comfort women agreement, it is clear that the main purpose of the agreement is for the South Korean government to establish a ``foundation'' to support former comfort women. Based on this assumption, the comfort women issue between the two countries will be finally and irreversibly resolved. In addition, we will refrain from blaming or criticizing each other regarding this issue in the international community. The Korean government will strive to resolve the issue of the girl statue in front of the Japanese Embassy in South Korea appropriately through consultations with related organizations. The order is as follows.
2015 comfort women agreement
Japanese side:
(2) The Japanese government has been sincerely addressing this issue, and based on its experience, it has recently decided to use the Japanese government's budget to heal the emotional wounds of all former comfort women. Take measures to ease the situation. Specifically, the South Korean government established a foundation for the purpose of supporting former comfort women, provided a lump sum of funds from the Japanese government's budget, and the Japanese and South Korean governments cooperated to provide support for all former comfort women. We will carry out projects to restore the honor and dignity of comfort women and heal their emotional wounds.
2. South Korean side:
(1) The Korean government evaluates the Japanese government's statements and efforts leading up to this announcement, and the Japanese government has confirmed the above 1. On the premise that the measures stated in (2) are steadily implemented, through this announcement we confirm that, together with the Japanese government, this issue will be finally and irreversibly resolved. The Government of the Republic of Korea will cooperate with the measures taken by the Government of Japan.
The comfort women agreement states that the South Korean government will establish a foundation and work through its activities to resolve issues with former comfort women.
In other words, the entire premise of this comfort women agreement was the establishment of a foundation, and as expected, Moon Jae-in dissolved this foundation. If this is recognized as an official agreement, there is an obligation to rebuild the ``Foundation for Reconciliation and Healing.'' Since this has not been done, even if South Korea says something, it will simply be bringing up a topic unrelated to the comfort women agreement. The issue of claims was resolved in 1965.
The purpose of establishing the foundation is to carry out projects to restore the honor and dignity of former comfort women and to heal their emotional wounds. Nowhere does it say that Japan should simply distribute the 1 billion yen it contributed. In other words, South Korea has abandoned its efforts to establish a foundation and restore the honor and dignity of former comfort women.
Looking at this from a different angle, with this agreement, the comfort women issue is no longer an issue between the governments of the two countries, but an issue between the foundation and the individual former comfort women. The former comfort women are demanding that Japan's prime minister meet in person and apologize, which is an unlikely request, but let's assume it happened. That can only be the result of negotiations conducted through the Reconciliation and Healing Foundation. Without the Foundation, no one can negotiate with Japan. This is not an issue of claims or human rights, but rather an issue of default by the South Korean government, which has abandoned its efforts to establish a foundation and resolve the issue.
If you confuse the claim rights issue with the comfort women agreement, you will lose sight of the essence. The major flaw in the cancellation of this agreement is that it dissolves the Foundation.
Professor Ramseyer's negative statement [There is no evidence of forced abduction of comfort women] is a complete lie. [Translated excerpt of Yonhap News article]
On January 5th, Mark Ramseyer, a professor at Harvard Law School in the United States, who defined South Korean comfort women as "prostitutes" and received international backlash, has now proven that "comfort women were forced to be recruited." It is expected that there will be a stir by asserting that there are no contemporary documents that do so.
Professor Ramseyer made this clear on the 5th in his article ``Sexual Contracts in the Pacific War: Responses to Criticism'' posted on the Harvard Law School website.
In this paper, which is a rebuttal of previous criticisms directed at her, Professor Ramseyer argues that ``Korean women were drawn into [comfort women] by the Japanese military who fought against their will, regardless of their will.'' I will respond to the allegation,'' and declared, ``This allegation is false.''
At the same time, he asserted, `` Korean women were not forced to serve as comfort stations due to planned coercion by the Japanese military.''
He specifically argued that the 1983 book ``My War Crimes'' by Japanese author and activist Seiji Yoshida was the de facto basis for the forced recruitment of comfort women.
For 35 years after the end of the war, there was no evidence (proving forced conscription). It was only in the late 1980s that some Korean women began to advocate this."
He added, ``The comfort women debate started with Yoshida's 'fraud'''' and ``Most of the experts who criticized me were from Japan and South Korea, but even though they knew about this book, no one He also didn't mention this book."
Regarding the paper in question, Professor Ramseyer said, ``The core of the paper was about the contract, such as why the comfort women received advance payment and what conditions under the contract determined the women's working hours.'' ``However, none of the criticisms leveled at me were aimed at this kind of economic analysis.''
In a paper published that day, Professor Ramseyer cited a study last year by Lee Yuken, a co-author of ``Anti-Japanese Tribalism'' and a research committee member at the University of Economics Research Institute, which received support from far-right groups in Japan.
Professor Ramseyer also claimed that comfort women victims, who remained silent for a considerable period after the war, changed their words after they began demanding reparations from Japan.
In a situation where there is no document proving forced recruitment, the only evidence, the testimonies of victims, lacks credibility..
In particular, he referred to comfort woman victim Lee Yong-soo as ``the most notorious (of all the people who changed their words)''.
[Excerpt above]
Professor Ramseyer says that no evidence of her forced abduction or her contract has been found anywhere. Similarly, the Japanese government has made a cabinet decision under the Abe administration that there is no evidence of forced recruitment.
Korean group trying to stop the comfort women movement in South Korea The method is to stay up all night and reserve a space first.
Preemption of space for South Korean far-right groups began in May 2020. In the wake of allegations of misappropriation of sponsorship funds by Rep. Yoon Mi-hyang, who served as the president of the Justice and Remembrance Solidarity (a core organization in the comfort women litigation movement), far-right civic groups held a rally in front of the Statue of the Girl of Peace. They began filing reports ahead of the Justice League.
Meeting notifications can be submitted 30 days (720 hours) in advance, but members of far-right and conservative groups are staying up all night taking turns at the waiting area at Jongno Police Station, where meeting notifications are accepted. , the place is taken away every time.
Although it is a primitive method, it is amazing that they are trying to stop the comfort women movement even by staying up all night.
Kang Kyung-ran, head of the Solidarity Movement for Justice League, said, ``Far-right groups are claiming to ``end the Wednesday demonstrations forever'' and have filed a gathering at the same location. She is a prostitute () on a daily basis, and she does not hesitate to say things that insult us.
I have decided to petition the National Human Rights Commission to take urgent remedial measures and investigate the human rights violations occurring at the rally site, as well as to investigate the police who ignore these acts."
The anti-comfort women movement in South Korea is led by far-right political parties and carried out by civil society groups.
